The controversy surrounding political funds has erupted as one of the most heated topics in Senegal’s political landscape. Across television studios, Facebook, and other social media platforms, politicians, former ministers, and parliamentarians are locked in fierce debate over a question that has grown increasingly explosive: who, before Ousmane Sonko, actually had access to these discretionary envelopes allocated to the Prime Minister’s office, and how were they used? The debate comes at a particularly charged moment, as the National Assembly convenes in an extraordinary session since August 10 under Sonko’s own leadership to examine a bill regulating special credits and secret funds, alongside proposals on asset declarations, labor codes, and six parliamentary inquiry commissions.
The spark: Aly Ngouille Ndiaye’s explosive claim
Former Interior Minister Aly Ngouille Ndiaye ignited the firestorm during an appearance on SenTV. Known for his outspoken nature, he flatly asserted that Ousmane Sonko was the first Prime Minister in Senegal’s history to receive dedicated political funds: “In reality, he was the first head of government to have access to them. I was never Prime Minister, but several former Prime Ministers who are still alive and listening to me today—only Boun Abdallah Dionne has passed away—can confirm they never had such funds. This practice began with Sonko.”
Ndiaye also questioned the widely cited figure of 1.7 billion CFA francs, pointing to persistent uncertainty over its frequency: “Some say quarterly, others annually. If annual, Sonko would have received around 8 billion. But I know the first 1.7 billion were exhausted. If it were annual and exhausted within a quarter, that’s extremely rapid.” He echoed earlier statements by the Minister of Petroleum and Energy, Abdourahmane Diouf, that this initial allocation was completely spent before Sonko requested a budget extension—a fact he framed as proof that Sonko’s successor found nothing left. For Ndiaye, this demands answers: “In the inquiry commissions, he should have included his own case for transparency’s sake. And there are things I know I can’t say here.”
Counterclaims: testimonies that challenge the narrative
Ndiaye’s remarks sparked immediate backlash online, where viral archival videos surfaced to directly contradict his claims. The most striking rebuttal came from Souleymane Ndéné Ndiaye, the last Prime Minister under Abdoulaye Wade, who declared on the show “Faram Facce” as early as April 2025: “Even when I was Director of the President’s Cabinet, I received political funds. Every month-end, I was given mine.” His statement placed the existence of these funds far earlier than Sonko’s tenure—back to his days as a presidential advisor—effectively undermining Ndiaye’s assertion that Sonko pioneered the system.
Other figures have weighed in. Former Prime Ministers Macky Sall and Idrissa Seck, both of whom held the post under Wade, have referenced funds they controlled during their terms. Social media users also recalled Wade’s reported personal use of presidential political funds to assist his Prime Minister with certain expenses.
The Pastef camp fires back: ‘baseless accusations’
From the ruling camp, the most structured response came from Elimane Pouye, CEO of the State Property Management Company (SOGEPA SN), who dismissed the claims as “baseless accusations.” He urged comparison of the Prime Minister’s budgets for 2023, 2024, and 2025, arguing that variations were due to institutional changes rather than new allocations. For him, the real question isn’t whether these funds existed before Sonko, but what his predecessors did with them. The debate, he insisted, should focus on democratic and transparent use of public funds, not sterile arguments over amounts and timing.
Pastef supporters countered that the party had long criticized the lack of oversight on these funds, with calls for reform dating back to their 2019 electoral program—long before Sonko became Prime Minister in 2024. They argue the practice was well-documented and hardly an innovation unique to the current administration.
What historical records reveal about political funds
To move beyond the current controversy, parliamentary records and reports trace the evolution of these discretionary envelopes across successive regimes. Estimates suggest they grew from around 650 million CFA francs under Abdou Diouf to nearly 8 billion under Abdoulaye Wade. A 2008–2012 report by the State General Inspectors (IGE) revealed that 108 billion CFA francs in political funds were spent during that period, with 48 billion never properly accounted for—a figure that long haunted Senegal’s public financial records.
Recent history offers a concrete example: the National Local Development Program (PNDL), a 100 billion CFA franc fund under the Prime Minister’s control, became the subject of an investigation into former Prime Minister Idrissa Seck after he left office in 2004. The probe examined his management of the program and two real estate assets in Saly and Atlanta, linked to allegations of illicit enrichment. This episode underscores how long the issue of oversight over Prime Ministerial discretionary funds has persisted.
Calls for legal oversight intensify
Several lawmakers are pushing for institutional transparency. Deputy Guy Marius Sagna revealed he submitted a bill in September 2025 to create a “Verification Commission for Political Fund Credits” to the Pastef parliamentary group and to Ousmane Sonko, then party leader. According to Sagna, Sonko asked him to wait, preferring the government lead the reform rather than parliament: “President Sonko asked me to let him discuss it with the relevant parties,” he wrote on Facebook. Sagna later claimed Sonko amended the proposal to strengthen oversight, though he expressed concern that the President seemed intent on maintaining the status quo.
Another deputy, Thierno Alassane Sall—a former Energy Minister known for resigning in 2017 over transparency issues—called the funds “theft,” condemning their lack of parliamentary approval. He distinguished these envelopes from presidential intelligence credits, which he argued should not be conflated with the funds in question.
Not all voices align. El Hadj Momar Samb, Secretary-General of the RTA-S, accused the parliamentary majority of “opportunism,” noting that many of today’s majority leaders held high office in recent years without pushing for control over special funds. While supporting transparency, he advocated for broader parliamentary oversight, including the management of the National Water Company (ONAS), oil revenue tracking, Matam region funds, and compensation for political crisis victims.
Official stance: regulation over elimination
When questioned in May, President Bassirou Diomaye Faye defended maintaining these funds, citing their role in intelligence and social solidarity, and warning that outright abolition could create a void in addressing urgent social needs. Ousmane Sonko, for his part, ruled out elimination but supported stricter regulation, citing the 1.77 billion CFA franc allocation to the Prime Minister’s office during a May 22, 2026 address to the National Assembly.
The extraordinary session opened on August 10, 2026, with an urgent agenda to examine a bill regulating special credits and secret funds, alongside a constitutional amendment on presidential asset declarations. The debate remains far from settled, highlighting the tension between an entrenched institutional practice—documented under multiple regimes from Abdou Diouf to today—and the transparency and accountability demands of the new administration, which took power in 2024.