Spain’s foreign policy is facing an unprecedented crisis as the Partido Popular (PP) is accused of undermining the country’s relationship with Morocco. José Manuel Albares, Spain’s Foreign Minister, has gone as far as labeling the opposition party as ‘anti-Moroccan’, sparking a diplomatic feud that transcends typical political clashes.
Albares argues that the PP is weaponizing foreign relations—particularly with Morocco—to score political points against the government. The tension escalated after recent statements from current and former PP leaders, prompting the minister to call the opposition an ‘obstacle’ to Spain’s foreign policy objectives.
Yet beneath the political rivalry lies a far more complex reality. Since 2022, Spain and Morocco have forged a strategic partnership encompassing migration control, economic ties, security cooperation, and joint preparations for the 2030 FIFA World Cup. In December 2025, both nations reinforced this alliance with fourteen new cooperation agreements and a joint declaration to deepen political dialogue.
If the PP wins the next election, it will inherit this critical relationship—and the decisions that come with it. But can it sustain the same approach it has criticized?
The Sahara dilemma: a shifting position
The Western Sahara dispute remains the most contentious issue in Spain’s Morocco policy. When Pedro Sánchez announced in March 2022 that Spain considered Morocco’s autonomy plan the ‘most serious, credible, and realistic’ basis for a solution, the PP fiercely opposed the move. Alberto Núñez Feijóo, the PP leader, condemned the decision for being made without consulting the opposition, arguing it broke decades of bipartisan consensus on foreign affairs.
While the PP claims to respect international law and UN resolutions, it has never fully endorsed the government’s stance. Historical inconsistencies within the party further complicate matters. Under Mariano Rajoy’s leadership, Spain maintained a cautious approach without outright rejecting Morocco’s proposal. The PP has also hosted figures from both sides of the debate—some advocating for strong ties with Rabat, others aligning with separatist views.
The contradictions peaked in July 2025 when a self-proclaimed Polisario representative attended the PP’s national congress, sparking outrage in Morocco and raising doubts about the party’s true position. By February 2026, Albares accused the PP of a double game—publicly criticizing the government’s Sahara policy while secretly sending ‘emissaries’ to Morocco to promote the same stance.
If these claims hold, the PP’s strategy presents a clear dilemma: using the Sahara issue to weaken Sánchez from opposition is one thing, but reversing Spain’s policy after taking power would carry heavy diplomatic consequences.
A changed international landscape
The PP would not assume office under the same global conditions as in 2022. Morocco’s autonomy initiative has gained international traction, and the UN’s stance on the Sahara has evolved. Spain, meanwhile, has integrated its Sahara policy into a broader bilateral relationship with Morocco—one that extends beyond the dispute.
Reversing Spain’s current position would mean more than altering a diplomatic statement. It would reopen one of the most sensitive chapters in Madrid-Rabat relations. The PP has yet to clarify its stance: would a Feijóo government uphold Spain’s current Sahara policy or revert to the pre-2022 doctrine? So far, the party has avoided a definitive answer.
Immigration and the rise of ‘national priority’
The PP’s Morocco policy is not the only source of friction. In recent months, the party has hardened its rhetoric on immigration and public benefits, partly in response to pressure from the far-right Vox. In April 2026, the concept of ‘national priority’—a policy favoring Spanish nationals in access to welfare—entered the political debate, traditionally championed by Vox.
The PP initially faced internal divisions over the issue. Some party members warned of the legal and political risks of adopting a stance linked to the far right. Jaime de los Santos, a PP official, later clarified that ‘all legally residing immigrants have the same rights as Spanish-born citizens’, while others suggested a more nuanced approach, such as ‘residential priority’.
Despite these attempts at moderation, the debate has already reshaped Spain’s political landscape, with Vox successfully pushing its agenda into mainstream discourse—and the PP struggling to distance itself.
The Feijóo paradox: opposition vs. governance
The PP’s greatest challenge is its own paradox. As an opposition party, it can criticize Pedro Sánchez’s Morocco policy to gain electoral ground. But if it takes power, it must manage one of Spain’s most vital and complex international relationships. These two positions do not always align.
A Feijóo-led government would inherit a transformed bilateral relationship, a Spain’s Sahara stance embedded in a new global reality, strengthened security cooperation, and the shared responsibility of hosting the 2030 World Cup. The party would face a stark choice: implement the opposition rhetoric and risk renewed tensions with Morocco, or acknowledge the pragmatism required in managing this partnership.
The Foreign Minister’s accusations about secret PP emissaries in Morocco suggest the party may adopt a more pragmatic stance in private than its public rhetoric implies. The real question is not whether the PP is ‘anti-Moroccan’, as Albares claims, but how far the party is willing to go in using Morocco as a political tool—and how much of that rhetoric would survive the transition to governance.
One thing is certain: regardless of who governs Spain, Morocco will remain a strategic partner. The true test for the PP will be whether it can reconcile its opposition firebrand with the realities of statecraft.