In Mali, the transitional authorities remain unwavering in their commitment to confront armed groups. On April 25, jihadist factions linked to al-Qaïda and separatist rebels from the FLA launched their first coordinated large-scale attacks, resulting in the killing of Defense Minister General Sadio Camara and the seizure of Kidal. Since then, the Jnim has imposed a blockade on the capital Bamako while intensifying its assaults. Despite this, the Malian army and its Russian allies from the Africa Corps continue operations, demonstrating resolute determination.
Solidarity behind the transitional leadership
Q: Since the April 25 attacks, critics argue the transitional government has been weakened, while supporters call for unity. Do you believe Assimi Goïta remains the leader Mali needs?
Moussa Ag Acharatoumane: Absolutely. Assimi Goïta continues to govern our nation effectively. Despite the April 25 assaults, Mali stands tall as an active state. Defense and security forces have repelled terrorist advances, even amid internal and external complicity. Today, our army is united, command structures are cohesive, and morale remains high. Operations continue nationwide.
Not only is the regime solid, but it is the Malian people themselves who stand firm. Malians love their army, their leadership, and their country.
Jihadist alliances spark controversy
Q: How do you assess the alliance between the Jnim jihadists and the FLA separatists?
The Jnim’s ties to al-Qaïda are well-documented. Those who chose this alliance failed to learn from 2012, when a similar attempt led to chaos. Some within the FLA were themselves victims of al-Qaïda, including families of its leaders who were decimated by the group. Al-Qaïda is responsible for the 2013 murders of journalists Ghislain Dupont and Claude Verlon in Kidal—one of the group’s leaders, Seidane Ag Hitta, now commands the Jnim.
This alliance is disastrous. Our brothers must recognize their grave error and reverse course. They should follow the example of the MSA and Gatia, which have allied with the Malian army to fight international terrorism.
Q: The FLA claims this is merely a military pact against a common enemy, with no broader shared agenda.
The international al-Qaïda network has publicly endorsed its alliance with the FLA. Iyad Ag Ghali, Jnim’s leader, coordinates operations in Kidal alongside Alghabass Ag Intallah of the FLA. Parades in Kidal featured black flags bearing their extremist symbols. Our brothers are mistaken—they were victims of these same actors in 2012, and it is the same forces at play in 2026.
Kidal’s future hangs in balance
Q: The Jnim and FLA now control Kidal and Tessalit, while the Malian army and Russian Africa Corps hold Aguelhoc and Anéfis. Can we expect a counteroffensive in Kidal?
Defense and security forces are reorganizing and remain present in the Kidal region. They are determined to conduct nationwide operations and will not yield an inch of Malian soil to terrorist organizations.
Q: General El Hadj Ag Gamou, appointed Kidal’s governor in 2023, is reportedly in Gao. Is he involved in planning the counteroffensive?
General El Hadj Ag Gamou is in excellent health, both physically and mentally. As governor of Kidal, his focus is on regional administration, not combat operations. The army handles military strategy, redeployment, and offensives. He remains fully committed to his duties.
Stability in Ménaka despite persistent threats
Q: In Ménaka, where the Malian army and Russian Africa Corps repelled ISIS offensives in late April, how has the situation evolved?
Security is under control. Administration has resumed, daily life has returned to normal, and defense forces conduct regular patrols. However, the threat persists. We remain vigilant, as we are at war with one of the world’s most dangerous terrorist groups. For now, Ménaka is calm.
No dialogue with extremists
Q: Should Mali engage in dialogue or negotiations with the Jnim and FLA, as proposed by opposition figures like Imam Dicko’s CFR? Such talks have been debated for over a decade, including during the transition.
There can be no negotiation with groups whose aim is to destroy our nation. The Malian state protects its people and territorial integrity. Any dialogue would only be possible if these groups abandon their destructive agenda. They are Malians—if they change course, there is a place for everyone, but not under current conditions.