Beninese opposition challenges government on potential Niger military intervention

Following the military coup d’état that unfolded in Niger on July 26, 2023, global responses were swift and varied. Prominent bodies such as the ECOWAS, the AU, alongside nations like the USA, France, and Russia, promptly articulated their positions. Within Benin, President Patrice Talon‘s engagement and the discussions around a potential armed intervention have met with considerable dissent. Western media reports suggest Benin might commit forces alongside ECOWAS to confront the military junta. However, numerous influential voices, including the Catholic Church and various political figures, have openly advocated against a military approach, emphasizing diplomatic avenues for resolving the ongoing crisis.

Elected representatives from the opposition party, « Les Démocrates », have decisively challenged the government regarding this critical situation, submitting a comprehensive list of 19 urgent inquiries. At the core of their concerns lies the rationale behind Benin‘s potential military involvement, especially given the longstanding fraternal ties between Benin and Niger. Their profound worries extend to upholding the Beninese constitution, ensuring the safety of deployed troops, and mitigating the risk of conflict escalation and its severe repercussions for civilian populations and for Benin‘s national interests.

Beyond the military dimension, significant economic and diplomatic anxieties have also been articulated. The decision to close borders with Niger poses a substantial threat to the Autonomous Port of Cotonou and the broader Beninese economy, which is already grappling with the effects of ECOWAS sanctions. Confronted with surging prices for essential commodities and adverse impacts on economic stakeholders, the opposition demands tangible solutions and clear explanations from the government.

Dialogue emerges as a preferred resolution pathway for numerous regional and international stakeholders. The opposition lawmakers have reminded President Patrice Talon of his own previous advocacy for dialogue as a viable alternative to coups d’état, urging him to initiate a genuinely inclusive dialogue within Benin. This moment calls for careful consideration, thorough questioning, and, critically, the pursuit of peaceful and consensual solutions for the region’s future stability.

oral questioning with debate for the government

On July 26, 2023, a military coup d’état occurred in Niger, abruptly terminating the constitutional mandate of President Mohamed Bazoum. This significant event triggered responses from various states worldwide and from key sub-regional and regional organizations, including ECOWAS, the AU, and the UN. Subsequently, on Thursday, August 10, 2023, heads of state and government from ECOWAS member countries convened an extraordinary summit. This meeting concluded with several critical decisions, notably the directive to deploy the ECOWAS standby force with the aim of restoring constitutional order in the Republic of Niger.

In light of these developments, the Beninese government has, through its official statements, indicated its intention to commit Beninese troops to the ECOWAS contingent tasked with confronting the military junta now in power. Considering this governmental decision to involve the Beninese state in a conflict against the sovereign and fraternal people of Niger, a move that the opposition argues violates Article 101 of the Beninese constitution, and recognizing the severe economic, social, and security repercussions already stemming from the sanctions imposed by the ECOWAS Heads of State conference during its July 30, 2023, session in Abuja, the national assembly, acting under Article 108 and its subsections of its internal regulations, formally requests the government to address the following urgent concerns:

1. What measures has the government undertaken to consult parliament regarding the deployment of Beninese troops in ECOWAS operations in Niger, should the military option be pursued, in adherence to Article 101, paragraph 1 of our constitution, which states: « a declaration of war is authorized by the National Assembly »?
2. Considering a potential conflict against the sovereign people of Niger, numerous nations, including France and the United States, have made arrangements for the evacuation of their citizens from Niger. What specific provisions has the Beninese government established for its citizens residing in Niger?
3. Given the fraternal relationship between Benin and Niger, what is the justification for Benin‘s willingness to dispatch its troops to engage Niger, particularly when other ECOWAS member states, which do not share a border with Niger, have declined to participate?
4. What is the projected number of Beninese soldiers and the essential logistical support the government intends to provide to the ECOWAS contingent? What is the estimated cost of Benin‘s potential involvement in this operation, and who will bear these expenses?
5. Should an aggression against our sister nation, Niger, occur, can our government provide assurances that no civilian lives in Niger will be harmed, and similarly, that the lives of our own soldiers will be safeguarded?
6. What provisions has the government made for individual soldiers in terms of bonuses, and for each soldier’s family in the tragic event of a Beninese soldier’s death during operations?
7. As Benin shares a border with Niger, what guarantees can the government offer that, in the event of retaliation by the Nigerien army, no casualties will be sustained on Beninese territory?
8. Can the government provide reassurance that, in the event of a conflict with Niger, potential jihadists will not exploit the situation to infiltrate our nation, as was observed in Libya?
9. Would it not be a more prudent course of action to prioritize political and diplomatic dialogue, mirroring the approaches taken in situations involving Mali, Burkina Faso, and Guinea?
10. Is it not feasible for Benin to once again lead within ECOWAS in preventing coups d’état by actively addressing electoral exclusions, the imprisonment, and the forced exile of political opponents?
11. Why does ECOWAS appear more eager to react against military coups while seemingly tolerating ‘institutional coups’ witnessed in Côte d’Ivoire in 2020, Guinea in 2021, Benin in 2019, 2020, and 2021, and other nations?
12. Is the restoration of President Mohamed Bazoum‘s authority considered more valuable than the lives of thousands of Nigerien civilians and ECOWAS contingent soldiers who could perish in such a conflict?
13. What future awaits Niger in the aftermath of such a conflict?
14. The citizens of the ECOWAS region have lost confidence in our organization, often labeling it a ‘union of Heads of State.’ What steps does Benin intend to take to restore the reputation of this sub-regional body?
15. Following the extraordinary ECOWAS summit, President Patrice Talon highlighted dialogue as an alternative to coups d’état. When can the inclusive dialogue, long desired by the Beninese opposition, be expected?
16. What are the specific repercussions of closing our borders with Niger on the Autonomous Port of Cotonou?
17. What are the observed impacts of the existing ECOWAS sanctions on the Beninese economy and its populace?
18. What immediate measures has the government already implemented to counteract the escalating prices of essential goods?
19. What provisions does the Beninese government have for economic actors already suffering from the consequences of ECOWAS sanctions, including port operators, transporters, and other business stakeholders?